Silent Marks

Welcome to Silent Marks. This blog is meant to discuss issues of domestic and sexual violence that are affecting Asian Americans.  Thank you for visiting our blog.  Please come back weekly for new posts!

A Recent Incident from the News

So, normally when I see an article about domestic violence, which is rare, especially one dealing with it in an Asian American community, I just bookmark it on delicious. However, this one was sent to me by a friend who works on a domestic violence hotline in New York City. She has been a long time advocate for survivors, and took a year off during undergrad to do Americorps and work in Seattle for a South Asian domestic violence survivor support agency out there. Anyway, this particular story hit home for her because it took place in her community (the South Asian community), and in her religious community (although not at her church), as well as being on the East Coast, near New York. Currently, this amazing activist and advocate is working with a local queer Asian American womyn’s organization to discuss issues of intimate partner violence in queer relationships.

The two articles are:

http://www.northjersey.com/news/BREAKING_Shots_reported_at_Clifton_church_.html

http://m.apnews.com/ap/db_7732/contentdetail.htm?contentguid=uTx5Hrc1

I think this case is really interesting for a few reasons:

One, is that it made it to national news networks, and not only because it involved multiple state jurisdictions. The second reason I wanted to talk about this incident is that it is one of those cases when community members ceased to be bystanders and took an active role in defending one member from another. I realize that the context of the assault was that it took place in a public space, and that multiple lives were threatened by the shooting incident, but I think it is a really important example of what we hope that this website can accomplish. We do not necessarily condone trying to disarm or fight off a would-be attacker, but we do hope that community members will realize the importance of standing up for one another, for recognizing a problem and taking a firm stand against domestic violence in our communities. I have often heard stories where people are aware of abuse in a relationship but ignore it or blame the person being victimized. I think that the hardest part is acknowledging that something is occuring that is not right. After that, the trouble comes in trying to address the situation.

Another aspect of this case is that it complicates some of the assumptions about Asian American communities, and South Asian communities, especially. First, this tragedy happened in an Asian community. Asians are typically portrayed as the model minority, hardworking, law-abiding. In a post-911 world, that is unfortunately and increasingly not the portrayal,  because we are once again forever foreigner and/or potential terrorist. Although it is difficult to say whether one Asian American ethnicity is less likely to be demonized over another, considering the constantly shifting politics of the U.S., after 9/11 South Asians and Southeast Asians seem to be targeted by the media and homeland security more than some other groups. About the shooting in New Jersey however, one thing can be said, and that is that this situation was particularly domestic, and does not look like the terrorist scenarios that are usually played out in the media. It took place within a Christian South Asian community, which I feel hardly ever appears in the mainstream press. More often, if you hear anything about South Asian religious communities, and this is probably due to Orientalist notions of Asia and the relatively small numbers of  Christian Indians as compared to other religious groups, you hear about Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs. Considering the stigma associated with domestic violence, and the way immigrant and minority communities try to stay out of the spotlight, especially Asian Americans, and especially considering things thought to be deeply private and shameful, I was surprised to read this story, but I suppose the publicity increased because the shooter fled the scene and became a fugitive.

Another interesting point that has yet to fully play out is how the mainstream U.S. audience received these stories. Often, media portrayals of seldom-discussed minority groups leads to a stereotyping and conflation within the mainstream population of aspects of the one reported story with the entire group. In this way, the group is defined and recontextualized to identify them always with that original context of the reported story. For that reason, I feel this case is pivotal. Do you remember the case a few years back when a Hmong (Hmoob) hunter shot another hunter, or when a Korean American undergrad shot his school mates in Virginia? The Hmong were often conflated with the hunting shooting and Korean Americans felt the need to apologize on behalf of  the entire community for the tragedy at Virginia Tech. I could see this media coverage potentially leading down similar lines, but I really hope not. I also want to return to the fact that both articles mention the marriage between the victim and the perpetrator was described as being “arranged.” While not an uncommon practice in various cultures, I saw this as potentially being the element that would be highlighted in the media, and I want to point out that arranged marriage does not equate to misery or abuse, which I think might not always be clear in Western minds. When discussing the topic of arranged marriages in different contexts, I often find people from the dominant U.S. culture often think it is outdated or constrains the agency of women, and cannot possibly lead to successful, happy relationships. While there are many cases in which any or all of these assumptions may actually be true to the lived experiences of  the couple, there are many cases where this is not so, and I think it is important to remind people that many so-called “love matches” in the U.S. do not work out, and many such marriages may have incidents of abuse and violence occuring. Whether this tragic incident will lead to negative stereotyping, is still to be seen.

The last aspect of the case I would like to discuss is the portrayal of the suspect as having a reported “history of  ‘behavioral problems,'” which I feel might be read by some as having a mental disorder. This depiction contrasts with the description given by the suspect’s father, who reportedly said his son was “‘handsome’ and ‘a nice guy.'” These two different characterizations of the shooter struck me at first as being completely diametrically opposed. However, when I considered the ways in which communities try to protect themselves and save face, I read the statements as not at odds with one another, but as strategic in their omission. So, I read the two characterizations as referring actually to the mental health of the young man.  Thus, behavioral problems was coded to mean mental illness, and a since a nice guy generally would not be abusive to his wife and other family members and friends, the man must have had something wrong with him, which would also point to mental illness. So, why do I do these mental gymnastics here, that seem only to lead to conjecture? Well, the reason is, that if the informants were aware that the young man suffered from some sort of emotional disturbance or mental illness, they never actually put it in those terms. This points to some of the stigma of mental illness in immigrant communities and people of color communities. But there is another reason why I brought mental illness into the discussion. There seems to be some controversy in the domestic violence literature about mental illness. One “handbook” stated that mental illness is not an excuse for abusing others, and while on one level I agree there is no excuse for abuse, on the other, such a statement seems to say that mental illness does not play a role in creating such situations, a point with which I would have to disagree.  A long way to make a single, point, I realize, but we must consider the implications for our communities. Not only must we acknowledge when violence is happening in our community, but we must also be willing to accept that mental illness may play a role in influencing cycles of domestic violence and may also result from these cycles as well.

I want to close by saying that the last update I heard from my friend about this case is that the woman who was the target of the attacks was still in critical condition in the hospital. Despite what has happened here, I think that this story is very inspiring. This woman found the strength to leave her abuser, and her community supported her and continue to do so. The attacker voluntarily turned himself in, at the urging of his father, a community member, and the victim, at last update, was still fighting, and somehow surviving. It is a tragedy that the violence that took place also took the lives of community members, and it is unfortunate that these things had to happen this way, but may we and others gain strength and insight from what we have learned here.

The role of the U.S. Military in bringing violence home to our communities

So far, we have discussed several issues regarding violence in Asian American communities, but we have not yet delved into the deeper currents that underlie this violence. I think a good first plunge into these larger issues that influence violence perpetrated in intimate partner and family contexts might come from a discussion of the historical and political histories that effect our lives in the present. Let’s begin this trip into the past and the present through a discussion of the U. S. military role in perpetuating violence against women in general and we will extend this argument in a follow-up piece that talks about Asian women in particular. We can also explore how larger global, historical, and political processes continue to play a key role in reinforcing these unequal relationships of power. Just as a side note, I am fully aware that this is a massive topic, so please excuse me for not unpacking this issue in a comprehensive way for the sake of time. Bear in mind that we can possibly continue to explore this issue over time and revisit some of the aspects, which I will do my best to summarize in a broad way in this post in an effort to better our understanding of the role of the U. S. military in violence in our communities.

Let us begin this exploration by looking at how the U. S. military reinforces dominant constructions of gender. According to a report by David R. Segal and Mady Wechsler Segal (2004) entitled America’s Military Population, men in the armed forces continue to outnumber women, despite the increase in female enlisted personnel and the lifting of restrictions of female service. Indeed, as the authors assert, never in the history of the U. S. military have women been able to participate and serve on an equal basis with their male counterparts. This, according to many scholars is due in part to the gendered construction of military forces worldwide, which serves a strategic purpose in creating and maintaining particular types of images of military might and prowess (See Enloe, 2000).

Soldiers are generally portrayed as being male, and are supposed to embody characteristics valued as typically masculine and “macho;”  they  must be courageous, aggressive, powerful, athletic, honorable, dutiful, decisive, physically strong, disciplined, devoid of emotion, and impervious to pain. Such identities are built up in opposition to the imagined or fully articulated enemy who are often characterized as weak and cowardly, an idea that reinforces ideas of what are often referred to in the psychology literature as the “in-group” and “out-group.” The in-group in this case, is the soldiers of one’s own army and the assumed shared values,  people, land, and ideas, that one is told as an individual soldier and as a member of the army, that they are fighting to defend. The out-group then, are those opposed to the values, people, land, and ideas of the in-group army and are defined in direct opposition to the articulated identity of the in-group. The power of this imagery can only be fully understood in relation to its opposite, which throws it into stark relief.

Since the military identity is constructed not only in terms of group membership, but also on assumptions of masculinity, a second dichotomization takes place, in terms of the civilian, non-military population, where once again one is defined as the opposite of the other. Civilians are thus depicted as being primarily women and children and characterized as weak, needing of protection, helpless, innocent, and vulnerable. This characterization in the context of  armed conflict becomes problematic as it also carries into peacetime and has lasting effects on society as a whole. In fact, it is in the best interests of the military-industrial complex, which has over time become integral to local, federal, and international regimes of power, to continue to maintain and reinforce these distinctions between military and civilian populations. The continuous characterization of the soldier in this stereotypical “G.I. Joe” fashion, even during peacetime serves to boost morale and keep personnel mentally ready for deployment at a moment’s notice. While this may be advantageous in battle, these aggressive attitudes are cultivated without the counterbalance of other emotions, such as compassion, caring, nurturing, etc., which are de-emphasized at the sites of identity formation. These factors when combined with peacetime situations, traumas associated with combat missions, and exposure to civilian populations, leave many soldiers unable to express a whole host of emotions in a constructive way. They may undergo severe psychosocial stress as a result of post-trauma, they may feel boredom or frustration at demobilization, and they may experience difficulty maintaining interpersonal relationships with the same level of empathy and understanding as those they have with fellow soldiers. In extreme cases such difficulties may lead to acting out violence, aggression, and other types of negative emotions on civilian populations, whether they are allied populations living around a military installation or partners and family members in the home. Other contributing factors that might lead to the “acting out” of violence include relationship strain due to long absences, the perception of civilians as weak and needing to be “toughened up,” being unable to distinguish enemies from foes based purely on physical characteristics,  and seeing women as spoils of war or as objects of sexual gratification. This last point I will return to momentarily, but the main point is that successful militaries seek to cultivate effective soldiers, which translates in practice to the training of young people as “killing machines who can take orders and who can use logic to overcome unforeseen challenges,” and if we treat our personnel in this way, then we are neglecting the whole person and creating an environment where violence is valorized to the detriment of other emotions, which may get in the way of the ultimate mission.

Now, to return to the active sexualization of women by the military. Part of fitting the U. S. soldier into the mold of the Western heteronormative masculine ideal revolves around notions of virility. Recruits are often young men just out of high school or of college age. However, during armed conflicts draftees and conscripts may constitute a significant portion of the armed forces. Young, single men, in some ways make the ideal soldiers, as they are strong and virile, easily shaped by peers, and are more willing than those with dependents to take risks in the name of patriotism and heroism. In fact, the training approach within boot camp for the average infantry recruit is said to be one constituting a model of leadership which operates by first tearing down the individual to build them back up within the context of the military unit. Recruits are subjected to rehearsed combat hardships, including extreme tests of physical and psychological endurance, designed to prepare them for warfare, but also intended to create camaraderie among their soldierkind.  As I stated before, the aggressive, hypermasculine behavior which is fostered in recruits and seen as desirable in combat, however, is not created with a safety mechanism that would allow it to be shed in peacetime. Instead, hypermasculinity must be maintained in order to maintain readiness for deployment at a moment’s notice, which begs the question of how violence is channeled during peacetime.

One of the ways in which the excess energies of soldiers have been abated in peacetime and during wartime is through sex and sexualized violence. As mentioned previously, the hypermasculinity of soldiering paints women in contrast to men, and as weak and vulnerable. This vulnerability has been tied to targeted sexual violence of civilian populations in cases of war, genocide, and military occupation and has been deliberately implemented as a strategy of psychological warfare, populace control and enemy humiliation. Numerous scholars in various disciplines have discussed the ways in which sexual violation of civilians is both a metaphorical and an actualized assault on a group, state, or other entity, symbolizing ownership and conquest. In fact, there is extensive documentation of such brutal tactics being employed in cases of ethnic cleansing such as the Serbo-Bosnian War, the War in Darfur, and during other conflicts throughout history. Although the United States does not purportedly promote, nor condone such tactics, they military-industrial complex has contributed to the portrayal of foreign women as sexual objects for the gratification of U.S. soldiers.

It is a complicated global history of conflict, conquest, and gendered power inequality that has lead to the rise and boom of commercial sex trade enterprises around military installations. Soldiers, mostly male, away for long periods from wives, girlfriends, and female companions, grow lonely, and local economies seeking income develop and grow to meet the demands of foreign and domestic soldiers stationed on nearby bases. Such trade in local bodies and services are seen as mutually beneficial, although not always equally so. Whereas the local population has the benefit of the (assumed/presumed) protection of the nearby military installation, the soldiers receive services, which are paid for and funnel income into the local economy. These agreements also are meant to protect the local female population who do not engage in the sex trade as it prevents rape and sexual violence from being perpetrated against innocent civilian women because it provides a sexual outlet for soldiers to enact their desires that a way that is for all intents and purposes seen as “acceptable.” The problem with such systems is that they are inherently driven by power, with military might outweighing local moral might, and with foreign currency and goods driving small local economies that come to depend on these exchanges. Finally, these military sexual economies also deal in gendered power dynamics, painting in most cases, women and children as sexual waitstaff to military service personnel, and often, this takes place within a context where women and children experience constrained agency and very little local power.

Several problems arise in the wake of these sexual and military mini-economies. The first of these is the rendering of women as sexual object, which in some cases circumnavigates what is considered a protective factor for women outside of these economies, and leads to civilian rapes perpetrated by military personnel. That is to say, that rather than creating two distinctive social spheres, one of sexual economies and one of non-sexual economies, and a distinction between female sexworker and female civilian who is not in sexwork, situations may arise whereby all local women are seen as objects of desire and equally assumed to be willing to engage in the sex trade, whether as a sexworker, or through some other type of arrangement. In this way, civilian women are targeted and seen as objects of desire, or as one of many dis-individualized bodies at the service of the soldiering population who are there to “protect” them. When consent is not given, where a woman or person is not interested in “showing gratitude” to her “protectors” through sex or other acts, rape can occur, or other types of violence. In some cases, military personnel may marry a local woman and bring her “home” with him, which complicates the idea of an economy that trades in women’s bodies, and has implications for sexualized violence and other types of abuse in military dependent households.

Without trying to denigrate the real love that may bloom in the shadow of the military industrial complex, and the personal agency of local women who marry foreign soldiers, I would like to propose, that in some ways, war brides can in some ways be seen as “spoils of war.” Several Hollywood films have touched on the complexity of the high rates of marriages between local civilian women around military installations and U.S. military servicemen stationed abroad. But, here you will notice how such unions follow a particular recipe, with civilian woman marrying military man. One might question how this might not also be seen as an economic transaction between military and local economies, not dissimilar to the feminized sex trade that is promoted around bases. Taken to another level, one might also question how seeing women who are actively employed in the sex trade or who are “advertised” and are officially sanctioned as “okay to objectify” might impact an individual’s psychosocial and cognitive understanding of gender. Consider that the sex trade around U.S. military bases both at home and abroad operate on massive economies of scale, and that even in cases of local outcry against these microeconomies, such as in Okinawa and the Philippines, the U.S. military continues to promote, “business as usual.”  If part of the feminist explanation of the worldwide victimization perpetrated against women is hegemonic masculinity and sexism, it becomes easy to see the role which military powers, the U.S., included, help to perpetuate this vicious cycle. In many cases it is obvious when one considers the number of reported sexual assaults perpetrated by enlisted males against enlisted females in the U.S. and other militaries, and enlisted males in the armies of the U.S. and other nations against civilian females.  I bring up Okinawa and the Philippines here for two reasons, one is that these are two regions that host large U.S. military installations, and both happen to be located in Asia. The second reason is because both have several documented case of alleged sexual assault on civilian women, as perpetrated by male, U.S. service personnel. There are also a number of Okinawan American and Filipino American women in the United States who met their military spouses and ex-spouses because of those bases. I could name a third location, namely South Korea, which shares similarities to the Okinawa and Philippines context. And my point here is that, whether we are talking about American soldiers or “dependents,” the U.S. military, and the situations it encounters and/or creates due to global politics that have been in motion since there was first an “in-group” and an “out group,” impacts our community/ies. It impacts violence in the homes of Asians and Americans.

Editor’s note: I realize these are very complex processes, and that I have oversimplified many of the theories and probably overcomplicated the language and terms with too much jargon in this topic. It’s actually taken me a month to try to put this post together. It is a topic that is close to home for me, and it is something I would like to delve further into in the future, time permitting. I just wanted to open the discussion and bring up this topic, because I do not think these things are self-evident to everyone. Our domestic power relations are embedded in larger, historical processes, with constantly shifting power dynamics, informed by various types and levels of oppression. Sorry to take so long in putting this together. Hope it makes some sense.

For more information see:

Cynthia Enloe (2000) Maneuvers: The Politics of Militarizing Women’s Lives.

and visit some of our delicious bookmarks that are also tagged under U.S. Military.

Asian Immigrants and Domestic Violence Video

Hi Friends,

Our public health class project is coming to a close in mid-December.  Before we sign off, we wanted to share with you our video about Asian immigrants in the U.S. and domestic violence.  The video contains information on barriers against Asian immigrants seeking help, safety planning for those thinking about leaving an abusive relationship, and current policies such as the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA).

To view the video, please click here.  Or you can find the video by searching for “Asian domestic violence” in Google Video.  Please feel free to share the video with friends and anyone else who might be interested in this topic.

Sincerely,

Julie, Aishe, & Tina

Using Performing Arts for DV Awareness (Part II)

Sculpting is a performance arts method that can be used to illustrate abstract, complex situations, build community, and drum up support to tackle social problems.  Sculpting begins with a small team of people from the community who are dedicated to raising awareness and developing solutions for a social problem.  This team decides how they will maneuver their bodies and use body language to portray a real life example of the social problem.  In front of a live audience, they will silently move into their rehearsed positions and hold their positions as if they are living sculptures.  The audience members are given a few clues about what the living sculptures are trying to portray.  Then the audience provides their interpretation of the living sculptures, and the performers tell the audience what they meant to show.  Community bonds are enhanced and more people become involved when the audience members are invited to move the performers’ bodies and/or to add themselves into the sculpture in an effort to bring about a more accurate portrayal or develop collective problem-solving approaches to the situation.  Sculpting concludes with performers and audience members being part of one living sculpture and everyone giving their commitment to work together, as a community, to address the social problem.

Using Performing Arts for DV Awareness (Part I)

New Visions is an organization affiliated with the University of Michigan School of Social Work that aims to prevent domestic violence in Asian and Asian American communities.  One of the methods utilized by the New Visions’ Arts and Activism Community Action Team (AACAT) is a performance art form called forum theater.  Forum theater is the core of Theater of the Oppressed, a popular education method created by Brazilian educator and social reformer Paulo Freire.

Forum theater begins with a small group of dedicated people who want to raise awareness about an issue that is important in their lives.  This group writes a short skit that encompasses the themes and situations they want to draw attention to and then rehearses the skit to prepare for performances.  Forum theater works best when it is performed in front of a small live audience who are sitting close to the performers.  This facilitates discussions among audience members during the performance and helps to prepare the audience for the interactive portion of forum theater.

The critical piece of forum theater is audience participation.  The short skit is performed once all the way through according to the script.  Then the facilitator will explain forum theater and ask for one audience member at a time to join the action on stage by stepping into the role of one of the characters.  Once the audience member feels he/she is done playing the character then another audience member is asked to come on stage.  Audience members are asked to alter the characters’ responses to the situation in the skit to invent new problem-solving approaches for complex issues and generate discussion about the effectiveness of possible approaches.  Through forum theater, audience members are able to experience what it feels like to play a role in a complex situation, rehearse different approaches to a problem, and prepare to take action in real life.  The ultimate goal of forum theater is not to discover the ideal solution, but to see that there are multiple people who can help and numerous ways to prevent or alleviate a social problem.

Forum theater can be applied effectively to raise awareness about domestic violence.  This is because domestic violence involves power dynamics, behavioral manifestations of culture, and interpersonal conflict that can be portrayed through a short skit.  Also, forum theater’s audience participation portion can be used to give a realistic protrayal of domestic violence situations.  Domestic violence does not only involve the abuser and the victim.  There are other people in their lives (such as employers, friends, health care providers, parents, and relatives) who know of the abuse but decide not to intercede for one reason or another.  Forum theater emphasizes that everyone has an obligation to address the domestic violence that is prevalent in our community.

HopeLine and DV Organizations in the San Francisco Bay Area

Verizon Wireless Awards $60,000 in HopeLine Grants to Asian-American Organizations in California

Five San Francisco Bay Area organizations receive support for their efforts in domestic violence prevention

SAN FRANCISCO, Oct. 15 /PRNewswire/ — Through its HopeLine(R) Program,
Verizon Wireless will award $60,000 in grants to five San Francisco Bay
Area community-based organizations that focus on domestic violence
prevention and awareness in the Asian-American community. San Francisco
Police Chief, Heather Fong, will assist in presenting the HopeLine awards
to the five recipients including Asian Americans for Community Involvement,
Asian Women’s Shelter, Chinese Community Health Resource Center, Korean
Community Center of the East Bay and Maitri. The ceremony will be held on
Wednesday, October 15, 2008 at the Empress of China restaurant in San
Francisco.

The five recipient agencies will use the HopeLine funding to support
new and existing domestic violence prevention programs such as an online
resource center, emergency shelter, youth peer counseling, transitional
housing and in-language staffing support.

“We are very fortunate to receive strong support from the community and
Verizon Wireless,” said Michele Lew, President and CEO, Asian Americans for
Community Involvement (AACI). “While domestic violence is a tragedy for all
those affected, the Asian-American community faces unique challenges and
risks because of language and cultural barriers. We count on support from
corporate donors like Verizon Wireless to reach at-risk communities to
directly benefit domestic violence survivors and their families.”

Last year, Verizon Wireless awarded three Asian-American organizations
in the San Francisco Bay Area $43,000 in HopeLine grants. Verizon Wireless
has awarded more than $400,000 in HopeLine grants to domestic violence
prevention agencies in California in each of the past two years. In
addition, HopeLine has distributed more than 2,400 wireless phones in
California during the past two years, each with one year of airtime, to
domestic violence agencies throughout the state.

“One out of every five Verizon Wireless employees in northern
California is of Asian-American descent, so these HopeLine grants are
especially important to us,” said Rich Garwood, regional president of
Verizon Wireless. “We are passionate about supporting organizations that
work to increase awareness of domestic violence, and create solutions to
help prevent it within the communities in which we live and work.”

The HopeLine program collects no-longer-used wireless phones and
equipment in any condition from any service provider. The used phones are
either refurbished or recycled. With the funds raised from the sale of the
refurbished phones, Verizon Wireless donates wireless phones and airtime to
victims, and provides funding and other contributions to non-profit
domestic violence shelters and prevention programs across the country.
Since 2001, the company has collected more than 5 million wireless phones,
distributed 60,000 phones with more than 180 million minutes of wireless
service and cash grants totaling more than $5 million to domestic violence
agencies and non-profit organization throughout the country.

How to Donate

Verizon Wireless accepts used wireless phones and equipment from any
carrier at its Communications Stores nationwide. For information about
where to send phones or how to organize a collection, please visit:
http://www.verizonwireless.com/hopeline.

#HOPE

By dialing #HOPE (#4673), then pressing the send button on any Verizon
Wireless phone, callers will be connected directly to the National Domestic
Violence Hotline, where they can receive the confidential help they need
through empowerment-based crisis intervention, information and resources.
The call is toll and airtime free.

About Verizon Wireless

Verizon Wireless operates the nation’s most reliable wireless voice and
data network, serving 68.7 million customers. Headquartered in Basking
Ridge, N.J., with 70,000 employees nationwide, Verizon Wireless is a joint
venture of Verizon Communications (NYSE: VZ) and Vodafone (NYSE and LSE:
VOD). For more information, go to: http://www.verizonwireless.com. To
preview and request broadcast-quality video footage and high-resolution
stills of Verizon Wireless operations, log on to the Verizon Wireless
Multimedia Library at http://www.verizonwireless.com/multimedia.

About HopeLine(R)

Verizon Wireless encourages customers who are upgrading their wireless
phone to participate in its exclusive HopeLine phone-recycling program. The
national HopeLine program distributes previously owned wireless phones to
victims of domestic violence, supports non-profit domestic violence
advocacy groups and provides an environmentally safe method of recycling
phones. Donations are accepted at any Verizon Wireless Communications Store
across the country. For additional information, customers can also visit
http://www.verizonwireless.com/hopeline.

About Asian Americans for Community Involvement (AACI)

Focusing on the diverse Asian American community, AACI’s mission is to
improve the health, mental health, and well-being of individuals and their
families by providing an array of human services. AACI empowers the Asian
American community by working collaboratively for equality and social
justice. http://www.aaci.org

About Asian Women’s Shelter (AWS)

The mission of the Asian Women’s Shelter (AWS) is to eliminate domestic
violence by promoting the social, economic, and political
self-determination of women. AWS is committed to every person’s right to
live in a violence-free home. It specifically addresses the cultural and
language needs of immigrant, refugee, and U.S.-born Asian women and their
children. AWS’s perspective is reflected in the agency’s broad strategy,
which integrates culturally knowledgeable and language-accessible shelter
services, educational programs, and community-based initiatives and
advocacy. http://www.sfaws.org

About Chinese Community Health Resource Center (CCHRC)

The Chinese Community Health Resource Center (CCHRC) was established in
1989 as a community health resource center, with support from the Chinese
Community Health Care Association (a physicians’ independent practice
association), Chinese Community Health Plan, and Chinese Hospital. In 2006,
CCHRC received approval for a (501c3) non-profit status. The Center’s
mission is to build a healthy community through culturally and
linguistically competent preventive health, disease management, and
research programs. http://www.cchrchealth.org/

About Korean Community Center of the East Bay

The Korean Community Center of the East Bay (KCCEB) was established in
1977, to empower the Korean American and other communities of the Bay Area
through education, advocacy, service and the development of community-based
resources, and is known to be a competent multi-service provider to K-A and
other immigrant communities. http://www.kcceb.org

About Maitri

Maitri offers a hotline, legal and immigration advocacy, and
transitional housing for South Asian women and their children impacted by
domestic violence, human trafficking, cultural isolation, and unresolved
family conflict, providing linguistically sensitive services and intensive
client advocacy and peer counseling, as well as outreach that builds
community awareness and addresses policy change. http://www.maitri.org

SOURCES: Verizon Wireless & PR Newswire

Cell Phone Recycling Drive Benefits Survivors of Domestic Violence

Here’s an article I came across about the national HopeLine Program sponsored by Verizon Wireless. This article is specific to the program in New York City.

QUEENS, N.Y., Oct. 30 /PRNewswire/ — The New York Asian Women’s Center (NYAWC) and Verizon Wireless today kicked-off a HopeLine(R) wireless phone recycling drive to benefit Asian families impacted by domestic violence. From November 1 through December 31, 2008, a portion of the proceeds from no-longer-used wireless phones donated at any Verizon Wireless Communications Store in the five boroughs will benefit clients of the NYAWC.

In addition to helping battered women overcome violence and govern their own lives, free of abuse, the Center also works to raise public awareness about domestic violence, advocate for the rights of battered women and create an agenda for social change. The Center’s 24 Hour Multilingual Hotline offers confidential counseling services in English or in one of 14 different Asian languages and dialects.

“Domestic violence is a tragedy that affects all segments of the U.S. population, but immigrant women face unique challenges,” said Larry Lee, executive director of the NY Asian Women’s Center. “Language, cultural, legal and economic barriers leave battered Asian immigrant women especially vulnerable to abuse. Our Center delivers services that empower women to overcome these barriers.”

Other services provided by the NYAWC include in-person individual and group counseling for adults and children; case management; assistance in obtaining housing, employment, legal, medical and educational services; emergency, temporary residential care; outreach; advocacy for entitlements; community education; and community outreach to Asian communities throughout New York City.

A recognized corporate leader for its commitment to preventing domestic violence and raising awareness of the issue, Verizon Wireless was the first wireless carrier in the nation to collect and recycle old cell phones and has done so since January 1999 — first in New Jersey and then across the U.S. The wireless equipment is refurbished or recycled in an environmentally friendly manner and the proceeds used to provide wireless phones and service and cash grants to local organizations and shelters like the N.Y. Asian Women’s Center that provide direct services to victims of domestic violence.

Nationally, theHopeLine program has collected more than 5.6 million wireless phones, and given nearly more than $5.6 million in cash grants and more than 80,000 phones with airtime to domestic violence prevention organizations. In the New York area, Verizon Wireless has donated $1 million in products, services and cash grants since 2001, including 1,500 wireless phones.

Verizon Wireless accepts no-longer-used wireless phones, batteries and accessories in any condition and from any carrier. In addition to Verizon Wireless Communication Stores in the five boroughs, during November and December donations can be made at the following locations:

          - Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association of New York
            62 Mott Street, 2nd floor
            New York, NY  10013

          - City Council Member John Liu's District Office
            135-27 38 Avenue, Room 388
            Flushing, NY  11354

          - The District Office of New York State Assembly Member Felix Ortiz
            404 55 Street (corner 4th Avenue), 1st Floor
            Brooklyn, NY  11220

          - Asian Professional Extension
            352 Seventh Avenue, Suite 201
            New York, NY 10001

Source: www.prnewswire.com

Tamara Williams Memorial Lecture

On November 11th, I attended the Tamara Williams Memorial Lecture that was held in honor of a University of Michigan undergraduate student, native of Detroit, and mother who was stabbed to death by her former boyfriend in 1997.  Tamara was an undergraduate senior living in the Northwood Apartments with her young daughter when she was murdered.  Two years prior to her untimely death, Tamara had pressed domestic violence charges against Kevin Nelson and asked the judge to give him a harsh sentence for the abuse he committed.  Our judicial and law enforcement system was unable to prevent Tamara from being hurt by domestic violence.

The keynote speaker for the lecture was Dr. Beth E. Richie, a professor in the departments of Gender and Women’s Studies and Criminal Justice at the University of Illinois at Chicago.  Her speech was entitled “Triple Jeopardy: Racism, Classism, and Violence Against Women.”  Professor Richie’s talk used three case studies of violence against black women to prove that marginalized women in our society are vulnerable to not only interpersonal violence but also state violence (criminalization of communities of color, police burtality).  Black women are not as protected and cared for by the police or social service agencies.  This is especially true of black women who are young, mothers with children, living alone, queer, and/or poor.  Mistrust of formal sources of help leads black women to desperate acts and too little help being offered too late.  This issue is not being adequately addressed by white women feminists or by the male leaders in communities of color.  Established mainstream domestic violence organizations have been relying too much on the criminal justice system to protect women through imprisonment of abusers and restraining orders, but the criminial justice system is itself an unjust system that abuses its power by targeting communities of color.

While listening to Professor Richie’s talk, I saw that black women and Asian women in this country are both vulnerable to domestic violence and state-sanctioned violence.  The model minority myth provides Asians with perhaps some protection from suspicion by police, but we are exposed to attack when we step outside of our supposed “place.”  This could explain why my mother does not vote and my grandmother taught me to mind my own business.  Because though we live here, it is not truly our country and we are not truly protected.

Suggested Readings by Prof. Richie: Compelled to Crime: the Gender Entrapment of Black Battered Women.  Black Women, Male Violence and the Build-up of a Prison Nation.

Counseling Asian Women Survivors of Domestic Violence (Part II)

The strengths-based approach recognizes a woman’s courage, perseverance, and will to survive amid abuse and real danger. Counselors can assist in identifying a woman’s strengths by acknowledging her coping skills and resistance to attack that were revealed during the domestic violence assessment. Through a process of analyzing daily coping strategies, women and counselors can come to understand the various methods she uses to endure inescapable abuse, reduce the level of violence, or protect her children from the abuser. The identification of a woman’s strengths means she has multiple tools at her disposal to facilitate her recovery.

Applying a woman’s strengths to her safety plan enhances her protection. Counselors must develop a safety plan with all clients before they leave the counseling session because either they are currently in an abusive relationship or the abusers may try to use violence against them again. A safety plan includes identifying warning signs of violence, finding an escape route, preparing social supports that can provide protection/housing, and learning about available resources in the community such as police and domestic violence shelters. Clients should create a list of people they can contact in case of emergency including friends, coworkers, family members, and neighbors. Counselors can also ask women open-ended questions to generate more safety strategies. Counselors are invited to adapt the wording of the following questions for their clients: “Which of your strengths might be most useful in helping to protect yourself? In what particular ways might you use them to increase your safety? Which of these strengths should you focus on now to offset the most acute, the most immediate, the most endangering, and the most painful effects of abuse?” (Browne, 1998). Clients and counselors should discuss together which of her options will keep her safest. The safety plan needs to be rehearsed and updated regularly so the woman is prepared for the next incident. Counselors must remind clients that a safety plan’s goal is her protection, but it cannot guarantee her safety.

Whether or not a client should remain or leave the abusive relationship may seem like a clear cut decision from the counselor’s point of view. However, the client herself may have other considerations she prioritizes before safety such as her status within the community if she divorces her husband. Or the woman may see safety in a broader context. She would be more likely to remain with the abuser if her only other options are returning to an abusive family, being homeless, or being deported to her country of origin. By consulting with domestic violence, immigration rights, and Asian cultural organizations, counselors can gain the knowledge necessary to be effective advocates and pass on information about additional options to their clients. Women will then be able to make informed decisions and implement their choices by drawing upon their strengths.

Citation: Browne, A. (1998). Recognizing the strengths of battered women. In E. Gondolf (Ed.), Assessingwoman battering in mental health services (pp. 95-109). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, Inc.

Counseling Asian Women Survivors of Domestic Violence (Part I)

Establishing trust and building rapport with Asian American women begins with acknowledging each client’s multidimensional identity. Counselors can demonstrate openness by asking clients how they prefer to describe themselves. Women may identify as Asian or Asian American depending on their level of acculturation or immigration history. Since “Asian” is a generic term created by Westerners, counselors will also find women who identify more closely with their ethnicity, religious affiliation, sexual orientation, familial role, ancestry, clan, or political party. Counselors should also provide women with flexibility to move between self-definition as victims or survivors of domestic violence. Self-definition allows women to choose the identity that supports her recovery from violence.

Client-centered interviewing that recognizes each woman as the expert of her life is rooted in cultural humility. Tervalon and Murray-Garcia define cultural humility as a helping professional’s “lifelong commitment to self-evaluation and critique, redressing the power imbalances in the [counselor-client] dynamic, and mutually beneficial and non-paternalistic partnerships with communities on behalf of individuals and defined populations”. Cultural humility stands in contrast to cultural competency by inviting counselors to provide each client with space to describe their relationship with their culture. Thus, listening and actively learning from the client replaces rout memorizing of so-called Asian cultural values.

By practicing cultural humility, demonstrating compassion, and explaining confidentiality policies, counselors help clients feel more comfortable sharing information about their socioeconomic and cultural context. Counselors should pay close attention to client’s life priorities, health beliefs, stressors, social supports, and help seeking behaviors to gain a better understanding of her cultural values. Counselors can begin exploring a client’s socioeconomic context by asking about her role and status within her family and community. This background information assists counselors in interpreting a woman’s description of her domestic violence experiences. For example, women who are less acculturated or uncomfortable discussing domestic violence may call the abuse a “bad situation” or use other euphemisms. Instead of dismissing her experience as insignificant, counselors are urged to explore a client’s vague language with specific behaviorally-oriented questions. For example, ask the woman if she feels unsafe at home rather than if she is being abused.